•House of Representatives
The gale of defections from opposition parties in the National Assembly has increased the membership of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to 68 in the Senate and about 207 in the House of Representatives, barely two years into the life of the 10th National Assembly.
With Senator Neda Imasuen of the Labour Party, representing Edo South, set to formally defect to the APC on Thursday, June 12, the party’s Senate strength is expected to rise from the current 68 to 69 once the defection is officially announced, reports Daily Trust.
The number may also rise to 70 if Senator Ahmed Wadada Aliyu, who represents Nasarawa West Senatorial District and at the weekend announced his resignation from the Social Democratic Party (SDP), confirms speculation about his return to the APC.
Opposition parties, which had a greater majority in the House of Representatives and were nearly at par with the APC in the Senate at the inauguration of the 10th National Assembly on June 13, 2023, have seen a significant depletion in their ranks.
In the Senate, the recent defection of three senators from Kebbi—formerly of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)—to the APC further reduced the PDP’s strength from 36 to 30. In the House of Representatives, the PDP’s numbers have also declined substantially.
At the start of the 10th National Assembly, the Senate’s composition was: APC – 59 seats; PDP – 36; Labour Party (LP) – 8; Social Democratic Party (SDP) – 2; New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) – 2; All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) – 1; and Young Progressives Party (YPP) – 1.
Following the recent defections, the Senate configuration now stands at: APC – 68 seats; PDP – 30; LP – 5; SDP – 2; NNPP – 1; APGA – 1; with two seats—one each in Edo and Anambra—currently vacant.
Observers suggest that the current configuration may shift further when the National Assembly resumes from its recess, following the defection of Governor Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom State from the PDP. Some of the state’s federal lawmakers are expected to follow suit. Akwa Ibom currently has two PDP senators and seven PDP members in the House of Representatives.
Senate
Since the 10th Senate was inaugurated in June 2023, several senators have defected to the APC, boosting its majority status.
Senator Ibrahim Abdullahi Danbaba (Sokoto South, PDP) joined the APC in March 2024. Earlier, Senator Ifeanyi Ubah defected from the YPP to the APC in October 2023 before his death.
In February 2025, Senator Ned Munir Nwoko (Delta North) left the PDP for the APC, citing internal crises within the Delta PDP.
Similarly, Senator Ezenwa Onyewuchi (Imo East), elected under the Labour Party, defected to the APC in July 2024, also blaming internal turmoil.
Senator Kawu Sumaila (Kano South), elected on the NNPP platform, joined the APC on May 7, 2025.
Subsequently, three senators from Kebbi—Adamu Aliero (Kebbi Central), Yahaya Abdullahi (Kebbi North), and Garba Maidoki (Kebbi South)—defected from the PDP to the APC following a meeting with President Bola Tinubu at the Presidential Villa.
House of Representatives
Since the 10th House of Representatives was inaugurated in June 2023, the chamber has also witnessed a wave of defections, driven by internal party rifts, constituency pressures, and broader political realignments—most of them benefiting the APC.
Initially, the APC held 175 seats; PDP – 118; LP – 35; NNPP – 19; APGA – 5; ADC – 2; SDP – 2; YPP – 1; while three seats were vacant. Collectively, the opposition held 182 seats—more than the APC.
Today, the opposition’s total has dropped to about 150.
The trend began on July 23, 2024, when Hon. Idris Salman (Kabba-Bunu/Ijumu, Kogi State) defected from the ADC to the APC, citing a leadership crisis and constituency pressure to align with the ruling party.
In October 2024, Hon. Chris Nkwonta (Ukwa East/West, Abia) left the PDP for the APC on October 2. Later that month, Hon. Sulaiman Abubakar (Gummi/Bukkuyum, Zamfara) also switched from the PDP.
The Labour Party, which had gained momentum in 2023, began to suffer major setbacks by the end of the year.
On December 5, 2024, four LP lawmakers—Hon. Chinedu Okere (Owerri Municipal/North/West), Hon. Mathew Donatus (Kaura, Kaduna), Hon. Bassey Akiba (Calabar Municipal/Odukpani, Cross River), and Hon. Esosa Iyawe (Oredo, Edo)—defected to the APC, citing internal crises that hampered their performance.
Hon. Alfred Ajang (Jos South/East, Plateau) followed on December 12, citing similar reasons.
The wave continued into 2025. On February 11, Hon. Amos Magaji (Zangon Kataf/Jaba, Kaduna) defected from the PDP to the APC, citing internal strife.
A day later, Hon. Garba Koko (Kebbi) also joined the APC from the PDP.
On March 18, Hon. Jallo Hussaini Mohammed (Igabi, Kaduna) and Hon. Adamu Tanko (Gurara/Suleja/Tafa, Niger) left the PDP for the APC, citing dissatisfaction with PDP leadership and expressing confidence in the Tinubu administration.
On March 27, Hon. Chinwe Clara Nnabuife (Orumba North/South, Anambra) defected from the YPP to APGA, alleging exclusion from party activities.
May 2025 marked the most dramatic realignments. On May 6, six PDP lawmakers from Delta State defected to the APC after the state governor Sheriff Oborevwori led the switch. They were: Hon. Victor Nwokolo (Ika North East/Ika South), Hon. Julius Pondi (Burutu), Hon. Thomas Ereyitomi (Warri Federal Constituency), Hon. Nicholas Mutu (Bomadi/Patani), Hon. Ukodhiko Jonathan (Isoko Federal Constituency), and Hon. Ezechi Nnamdi (Ndokwa/Ukwuani).
That same day, two LP members from Enugu—Hon. Obetta Chidi (Nsukka/Igbo-Eze South) and Hon. Dennis Agbo (Igbo-Eze North/Udenu)— defected to the PDP, also citing internal disarray within the LP.
On May 15, two NNPP lawmakers—Kabiru Usman and Abdullahi Sani—joined the APC. On the same day, the PDP lawmaker for Oriade/Obokun (Osun State), Oluwole Oke, also defected to the APC.
On May 22, Hon. Sunday Umeha (Udi/Ezeagu, Enugu), elected under LP, moved to the APC, again citing lingering internal divisions.
Defections reflect lack of ideology – Analysts
Meanwhile, analysts have said the spate of defections highlights Nigeria’s shallow political culture, driven more by personal ambition than ideological commitment—despite constitutional provisions and court rulings aimed at stemming the trend.
Dr. Kamar Hamza, a political scientist at Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) University, Lapai, said Nigeria’s political parties lack ideological clarity.
“Most politicians are driven by personal gain. When they sense opportunity elsewhere, they jump ship without concern for principle or public service. Our parties have become platforms for power, not vehicles for policy,” he said.
Hamza added that the lack of ideological differentiation has fuelled corruption and stunted development. “Public resources are captured by elites. The parties’ manifestos are virtually indistinguishable and lack substance.”
He argued that constitutional silence on enforcement emboldens the trend: “Without penalties—loss of office or benefits—there’s little deterrent.”
Dr. Ibrahim Yahaya of Al-Hikmah University said the trend reflects the monetisation of politics. “Public office has become an investment, not a responsibility. Politicians expect returns, and that’s tragic for citizens,” he said.
He also blamed poverty and voter manipulation.
“Poverty has been weaponised. The average Nigerian cannot resist inducement, making genuine reform difficult.”
Yahaya said only a concerted effort by enlightened citizens and a new class of ethical leaders can change the system: “It may take a bloodless revolution or a radical reformist movement.”
From a legal standpoint, Barr. Manzuma Issa, a former chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Ilọrin Branch, noted that the problem isn’t the absence of laws, but non-implementation.
“Supreme Court rulings and the constitution state clearly that defectors lose their seats unless there’s party crisis. But the law is widely ignored,” he said.
He drew a parallel with the unresolved issue of local government autonomy.
“The Supreme Court ordered states to open CBN accounts for LG funds, but who has complied? In functional democracies, court rulings are binding. Even Trump couldn’t override the US Supreme Court. But in Nigeria, impunity reigns—even the judiciary is overwhelmed by the scale of defections.”
