The parliamentary system is the best way to stimulate development and resolve the perennial Nigerian crisis. This sums up the message of the recent 426-page book by Chris O. O. Biose, entitled Stop Zoning: Restructure Nigeria, published in December 2023.
The book written by an erudite scholar and polemicist robustly illuminates the centrality of political parties as veritable vehicle for participatory governance.
Unimpressed by their shady recruitment modus operandi, the author lampoons the manipulatory tactics of Nigeria’s political elites to perpetuate themselves in power by deploying the anarchic, retrogressive and corrupt “Turn by Turn” power sharing formula between factions of elites of two main geo-political divides in the country -North and South.
Biose who had authored two similar books: Zoning Debate in Nigerian Politics (2021); Zoning Doctrine and the National Question in Nigeria (2022) further asserts that a return to true federalism and parliamentary democracy as enshrined in the people’s 1960 Independence and 1963 Republican Constitutions respectively, will deepen democracy, equality, justice, national cohesion, accelerate infrastructural and social sectors development.
The book which is divided into 17 chapters begins with examining the role of political parties in a democratic dispensation, as well as how they nominate candidates for elections. In Chapter 2, the author identifies non-ideologically oriented political parties as foundation of failure of public affairs in Nigeria. This factor encourages monetisation of party primaries and the electoral process by lawless party leaders.
The next two chapters expose how lawless grabbers take control of the country giving rise to a criminogenic society. It highlights the dubious role of political godfathers, lawless officials of electoral bodies, corrupt police chiefs and irresponsible Representatives in locking down this potentially great nation. The negative demonstration effect of these highly placed public figures gives rise to celebration of criminality and degeneration of social values in Nigeria.
Chapter 5 amply x-rays the ‘National Question’, and raises the pertinent issue of what the author calls ‘Delusionary Presumptions’ whereby many assume that existence of a Nigerian state is the same as a Nigerian nation. The author points out that the building of a Nigerian nation is yet to commence.
“After more than 100 years of statehood (1914-2023) and about 63 years as a politically independent country (1960-2023), Nigeria is not yet on the road to nationhood. Its leaders are completely bereft of nationalistic zeal; they are totally consumed with how to grab political power to serve personal, ethnic, religious and class interests.” Pg 85.
Chapters 6 and 7 explain many faulty steps taken in the attempt to solve Nigeria’s multifaceted crises, which come in form of power shift from military to civilians, Muslims to Christians, old to young, among others. Other unrealistic methods adopted to resolve Nigeria’s economic and political challenges which centre on individual and religious induced schemes are also discussed.
Chapter 8 explicates the inherent flaws and negative fall-outs of sharing either presidential or gubernatorial seats on the basis of region (geography), affirming that it destroys meritocracy and enthrones mediocrity. The 9th and 10th chapters detail how zoning is antithetical to democratic culture and values, suggesting that it should be jettisoned. It further posits that the zoning doctrine evidently entails rotation of power among the elites. The author observes that: “The zoning doctrine poisoned the political space to the extent that communities that never conceived of zoning started to insist on zoning of village- positions instead of selecting the best man or someone traditionally qualified for positions.”
Chapter 11 traces the genesis of sharing ideology in Nigeria to 1969 when the Gowonian military junta promulgated Petroleum Decree No. 51, taking over the crude oil resources of the Niger Delta. Military leaders subsequently started sharing oil fields among themselves and their friends. According to the author, a large part of the Nigerian crisis arose from the fact that a few individuals fraudulently seized the instruments of government and imbued themselves with right to share Nigeria’s resources as they please. “Let’s share” ideology, as coined by Professor Pat Utomi, quickly became the dominant political doctrine of Nigeria’s military and political elites, fueling the grab mentality and grand corruption.
Chapter 12 explains how the sharing tradition crept into Nigeria’s civil service and education sectors, sadly enthroning official discrimination in the two critical sectors.
In Chapter 13, the author debunks the notion that zoning gubernatorial or presidential power benefits the masses of their states or the country in general. Citing the manner of emergence of Nigerian rulers since 1999, the author describes the process as a case of rotation of power among factions of basically the same exploitative elite. This is evident from the humongous financial rewards enjoyed by Nigeria’s past leaders and their cronies as against the penury of the masses which widens the gap between the haves and have-nots.
In chapter 14 the author provides facts to show that the presidential system in Nigeria is inordinately expensive, encourages plutocracy and excludes many competent persons from contesting for the highest office in the country. The president has a misleading sense of power, is often embroiled in brazen abuse of office that contributes largely to the unenviable status of Nigeria as country with one of the highest levels of human rights abuses in the world.
In contrast, the parliamentary system obviates the need for gubernatorial and presidential elections which are often highly monetized and fraught with sanguinary clashes. Elected Assembly members and Representatives elect their State Governors and Prime Ministers respectively.
Drawing from the insight of the doyen of Nigeria’s pro-democracy activism, Chief Anthony Enahoro, the author argues that the parliamentary system would better consolidate democracy in a multi-national third world country like Nigeria. Citing examples of India and English-speaking countries of the Caribbean, the chapter emphasises the imperatives of political restructuring. This entails autonomy of federating states, revenue allocation based on derivation, establishment of state and community policing. The author believes that this is a sure route to a peaceful and prosperous nation-state.
In the next chapter, 45 pages are devoted to explaining the benefits of political restructuring which entails fiscal federalism. This would bring about a shift away from “Let’s Share” mentality to economic innovativeness and self-reliance of states/regions as it was in the First Republic. For example, state policing would free the Nigerian Armed Forces from internal police duties and enable them to focus on securing Nigeria’s porous borders and shift from massacres that result from constant military contact with civilians.
The writer also discusses several advantages of implementing the parliamentary system in Nigeria such as food security, more effective justice system and reduction in the cost of governance.
Chapter 16 examines vital issues of national integration, stressing the importance of building social institutions rather than strong men.
The last chapter stresses the critical importance of bold, disciplined, inspirational, visionary and competent leadership in the social transformation of nations.
Biose’s insightful book has thrown up a fresh challenge to future researchers to further illuminate the still foggy ends in achieving national cohesion via participatory democracy. Such researches should profess a truly domesticated African model of power sharing beyond the recommended federal and parliamentary system (mostly at Federal and State levels). It also offers clear insights into what the country needs to do to overcome its present social, political, economic and security challenges.
It is also a valuable book for students, scholars, policymakers and politicians who want to robustly understand the zoning dynamics in Nigeria’s political evolution and the need to grow beyond it to enable the country develop on a firm political foundation.
•Nwagboniwe, a media practitioner, lives in Lagos
